Worker's Syndicalist Union of Terra

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Re: Worker's Syndicalist Union of Terra

Postby MinnesotanKaiser » 07 Apr 2019, 18:33

This year, 4795, the Worker's Syndicalist Union of Terra held an election for it's Supreme Council after 10 years under the 9th session of the Supreme Council. Under the 9th Session, few pressing issues came to the body other than the shuffling of Local Assembly lines in the growing regions of France and Madagascar and the increased funding of the United Worker's Space Authority on behalf of its consolidation of modern space assets. The drama of the 9th session would only come during it's last couple years as the country watches on as the dormant volcano of Cyonican nationalism erupted in the form of a new totalitarian dictatorship. While the sentiments of the country still remain strongly in favor of peace, the Brazilian lobby has grown strong as those supporting the alliance with the Brazilian Socialist Union fear the protection of it's interests.

This has led the election of the 10th Council to be marked by intense talks on which party can best mitigate potential incoming conflict. While very few war hawks have been supported even in the slightest, there is an obvious lack of confidence that the Cyonican government will remain peaceful on its own. The results of the election follow after brief descriptions of the parties that ran for seats in the Supreme Council.

International Solidarity Party - The ISP, one of the most powerful parties in politics and society, is a party devoted towards the maintenance of the traditional geopolitics of the nation and the world. They have been the largest supporters of the IWA and the UPF, working under a order created in part by these two. The ISP are highly pro-Brazilian and were largely responsible for the negotiations that led to the cementing of the alliance between Brazil and the WSUT. In the 4795 elections, the ISP lost a fraction of its former support on the grounds that many have become uncertain about the infallibility of the party's foreign policy based on international cooperation and IWA conformity. However, the party was able to avoid losing even more seats by becoming highly vocal that the Brazilian Socialist Union remains priority number one in foreign policy and will not cease to retain West African support.

Revolutionary Leftist Union - Unlike the ISP, the RLU doesn't prefer a status quo foreign policy based on peace and consolidation of foreign policy under the IWA. The RLU is an assortment of leftist ideologies that all share a desire to further the revolution. First created in light of the annexation of Madagascar and France, the party was emboldened by the idea of socialist expansion of the WSUT. Of all the parties, the RLU is strongest in the French and Madagascar territories, where they have developed substantial support for their development and the usage of these territories as models in further expansion. However the RLU isn't invincible, but rather fragile. The party has fractured on economic and social policy, while proving to be a force to be reckoned with on foreign policy and infrastructure. The RLU gained many new seats based on their highly pro-Brazilian foreign policy. Running on a campaign of union with the Brazilian Socialist Union, large support was gained from the public but many in the establishment foreign policy sector doubt the reasonableness of potentially escalating tension in South America.

People’s Isolation Party - While the RLU and ISP remain staunch internationalists, the PIP is highly isolationist and relatively nationalist. While the PIP is supportive of the consolidation of the French and Madagascar territories, they remain highly skeptical of acquiring new territories. This is largely because both France and Madagascar both have majority West African populations and remain closely in the sphere of Conakry. The PIP's nationalism can also be seen in it's South American foreign policy with it's rejection of the Brazilian alliance. However, this is not to say they are non-socialist, in fact quite the opposite, with staunch social and economic policies supporting the syndicalist society created decades ago. Yet, isolationism and nationalism are no longer policies highly supported and the party saw a massive drop in popularity with the RLU passing them up in seats for the first time in several decades.

Social Reform Party - Just like the PIP, the SRP is highly isolationist and tends to be receptive towards nationalist policy as well, but the two have never been able to yet come to an alliance or cooperate on really anything. This is thanks to the SRP's largely conservative economic and social policies. The SRP is supportive of privatization of numerous National Sectors and the separation of Economy and State, a current divide that can't be distinguished. In the current system the economy is the state and the state is the economy; and the society is the economy and economy is society. The party is the most disillusioned with Syndicalism and has been very indifferent towards the conflict with Cyon leading many to believe the party is noting more than a privileged class party that wants nothing more than to resurrect an old decrepit order.

Syndicalist Unionist Front - The SUF is nothing more than the leftovers of the past. The leftover that no one wants to eat and get rid of. A quick history of the WSUT is necessary to describe this party. In the last years of the 47th century, the Worker's Republic of Terra began to fall apart. While outwardly very little seemed wrong with high employment, a still growing economy, and a strong foreign policy standing, stress fractures were emerging. The party system was frail and weakening as the populace began to lack confidence in the system which began to continuously seem weaker and more divisive. Movements such as the People's Liberation Front urged on right-wing revolutions, setting off a cascade of left-wing movements and creating a divisive setting that the establishment parties could not stabilize. The Communist Party of West Africa rose to a position of power unseen by an anti-democratic party ever in the history of the WRT. Sides were formed, between various democrats of the establishment side on one and the anti-democratic CPWA on the one side. By this time, the CPWA had clearly made a power move in taking over the leadership of the Terran Syndicalist Party, adding them to the anti-democrat alliance.

In the end, the face-off resulted in a bloodless destruction of the establishment democrats. A quick descent into party dictatorship was then made with remarkable popular support. Yet, the process of the restructuring society into a centralized syndicalist system was enough shock many into disillusionment of the idea that the CPWA(at this time officially merged with the TSP to create the Commo-Syndicalist Alliance), would be creating a party dictatorship with no intention of giving popular decision making to the people. Thus began the chaotic counter-revolution. Rather than a right-wing movement, this counter-revolution was led by defects from the TSP and others who had supported the Syndicalist vision shoved down the throats of the people by the CPWA. Within several years, the CPWA was removed from its place of power with out even firing a shot. And so was created the modern Worker's Syndicalist Union of Terra, a country that narrowly missed the bullet of dictatorship.

Out of the smoke emerged the current order, which left the CPWA nothing more than a shell. With their name tarnished, many of the members that still subscribed created the Syndicalist Unionist Front, a party that still believes in the ideas of centralized party rule. Rather dystopian as a party, they believe in ideas espoused in books such as 1984 and Brave New World. While the party is highly weak within West Africa, the party has made attempts to plant roots in other nations in the form of backing crime syndicates. Of course this is unknown to authorities as the party is largely Illuminati-esque and restricts membership highly.


Without further ado, the results:

4795 Election Results:

Supreme Council:
International Solidarity Party - 277
Revolutionary Leftist Union - 168
People’s Isolation Party - 86
Social Reform Party - 46
Syndicalist Unionist Front - 23

Supreme Council Elections:
Masego Eshe(ISP candidate) - 255 votes
Clarisse Samuel(RLU candidate) - 228 votes
Abstain - 117 votes

Secretary General:
Blandine Scholastique(ISP)
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Re: Worker's Syndicalist Union of Terra

Postby MinnesotanKaiser » 07 Apr 2019, 19:01

Foreign Policy of the Worker's Syndicalist Union of Terra

Brazilian Socialist Union: Protectorate/Ally
The BSU maintains a defensive treaty that unites the militaries of both countries under a joint command. Furthermore, the BSU hosts WSUT units and defensive positions. The BSU is highly funded and supplied by the IWA and WSUT and is protected by a mutual defense pact.

El Imperio Latino: Strong Rivals
The Latin Imperium has been the traditional rival of the WSUT for its whole existence. Embassies no longer exist in each other's countries as neither side recognizes the other as having really any legitimacy. Much of the defenses in Brazil are oriented south in the case of a Cyonican invasion. Furthermore, no trade exists between the two thanks to an embargo on the part of the WSUT.

Union of Matibbean Communes: Ally
The UMC has always been the closest friends of the WSUT and both maintain leadership roles of the IWA. Heavy interactions between the two take the form of industrial investments and immigration.

Phoenix Corporate Group: Very Close Friends
The PCG has maintained cordial relations with the WSUT on matters of South American security and both countries share common philosophy in some areas of economic policy, but not all. The countries have both cooperated on prosperity and stability in South America with the establishment of what they call the Heart of South America, the Free City of Manaus.

Atlantic Imperium: Indifferent
The existence of the Atlantic Imperium is no longer contested with the liberalizing of it's government and the end of it's plans to retake West Africa. Both countries have embassies and are host to some trade, but neither side is exactly overly friendly with the other.

Free City of Manaus: Joint Protectorate of the PCG and WSUT
The Free City is a source of pride for the WSUT and receives extensive funding and resource support from the WSUT, which has benefited very extensively with it's growing economic strength at the center of the continent.

Mobius: Indifferent
The WSUT honestly is really indifferent with Mobius and has rarely ever engaged with their large, quiet neighbor.

The Cooperative: Unfriendly
The WSUT has long been a staunch opponent of the Cooperative's expansionism but has shown little to no desire to stop them.

The Confederation of Socialist Asterian States: Lukewarm Relations
The WSUT has never been too happy with Asteria and their often irritating foreign policy, especially regarding the old Federal Republic of Brazil. The two countries have started to warm up to each other a little bit in recent decades, but it remains a slow and inconsequential process.

Baujantec Consortium: Friendly
Baujantec and the WSUT are actually quite friendly despite ideological difference. Baujantec has been seen as a friendly, peace-loving partner in solar affairs. Furthermore, the spiritual prominence of Janisism in Brazil has pushed the two closer to one another.

Universal People's Federation: Ally
While in the past Venus was a traditional rival of West Africa, the WSUT is a very close friend of the UPF and both share leading roles in the IWA and share ideological zeal.
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Re: Worker's Syndicalist Union of Terra

Postby kingpie3 » 13 Apr 2019, 03:16

The Consortium's Entinates are happy to see that it is counted among the friends of the Worker's Syndicalist Union of Terra. Much time has passed since the days of animosity between our previous governments, with strong cultural bonds defining our most recent interactions. Janisism is a transplanetary religion with adherents across South America and thus it behooves the Board of Directors to maintain positive relations with their ally in West Africa. Though we are proudly a corporate entity, the most important principle our society holds is faith and it's ability to unite us all. We believe that cooperation in Latin America is a continuation of our belief and we look forward to many more years of partnership with the Worker's Union despite our ideological differences.
The Techabaun Federation in CYOC

Unless both sides win, no agreement can be permanent.
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Re: Worker's Syndicalist Union of Terra

Postby MinnesotanKaiser » 13 Apr 2019, 16:49

The Worker's Syndicalist Union of Terra thanks the Consortium for its kind words. In this new era that we are in, we would like to put aside our old animosities that were largely spurred on by the corrupt colonial aggression of the old Baunair and the ideological rigidness of the young Worker's Republic. In place of these old animosities, we would be overjoyed as a nation to further our relation on cultural grounds and increasing the dialogue between our two peace loving peoples.
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Re: Worker's Syndicalist Union of Terra

Postby MinnesotanKaiser » 04 Jun 2019, 06:53

4805 Elections

The 10th Session of the Supreme Council and the Chairmanship of Masego Eshe of the International Solidarity Party was marked by further cooperation and union of the Brazilian Socialist Union and the Worker’s Syndicalist Union of Terra. The creation of a Brotherly League served to provide a military link between the two and led to the move towards a path of economic realignment on a level unseen before in the history of the BSU. It is yet to be seen in future Sessions and Brazilian Councils what fundamental changes will emerge in the dynamic relations between the two countries.

In the political and domestic affairs of the WSUT itself, the biggest event was likely the breakup of the Revolutionary Leftist Union. The RLU for the first nine decades was seen as a largely ideologically charged party in the WSUT. However, the RLU’s members held very little in common with each other on the matter of social and economic policy. The amalgamation of Joffreyists, communists, socialists, syndicalists, left wing democrats, and anarchists was purely held together by strong revolutionary zeal.

For the first five decades such zeal was easy to come by. Many of the new settlers of Madagascar and France arrived into growing, but small communities of strongly leftist citizens of the WSUT. However, in recent decades, the now increasingly large territories began to more frequently run into issues regarding social and economic policy regarding further development and expansion. The following attempts by the dominant RLU to control these issues were ineffectual as the party began to struggle among itself to come to a consensus on the party’s policy regarding these issues.

A vision of the future was highly muddled as intra-party conflict threw aside any common goal and stalemated and slowed down the legislative and party functions of the RLU in it’s party dominated lands. What resulted in this fallout of the party was a complete and utter power vacuum. In 4801, the RLU broke into several factions: the Joffreyists, anarchists, and centrists. The Joffreyists, named after the bygone Secretary General Eva Joffrey, held the most influential position, yet by no means took most of the seats of the party. The anarchists also emerged, however would further split between hard-line anarchists and the more numerous libertarian socialists in 4803. Lastly, the centrists attempted to hold the party together, unifying the revolutionary zealots in the camps of all the major leftist camps.

Yet, in the end, most of the party’s members abandoned the sinking ship to join the International Solidarity Party. Despite this, the International Solidarity Party isn’t too much more stronger than it was before. This is due to a reaction within the ISP that was largely hostile to the newcomers. The incoming wave of RLU members were feared for the inevitable sway that would emerge in party policy. Up to this point, the party leadership had navigated the political waters of the WSUT with incredible competency and created an internal party order. With the new wave of what were originally opposition politicians, this order would be threatened and be shaken severely.

Therefore, the response that followed was a gradual and strict entry of party applicants from the RLU. For those in the RLU that waited in limbo between the dying party and entry into a hostile ISP, political powers was wholly absent. In fact, the true source of power for the ISP did not come from new members but the lack of any opponent with the ability to contest it’s plurality. This plurality would gradually rise and stop at a narrow Council majority of 309 out of 600 seats from its original plurality of 277 seats.

With the collapse of the party many experts now look to the political atmosphere in the Madagascar and French territories. Under a unified RLU, the territories, which had been treated as almost sovereign territories of the party before, were now a political battleground. At the shaky head of this conflict by the time of the 4805 elections were the centrists of the RLU. However, their leadership was racked with conflict as the revolutionary zeal proved to not be enough to manage the party collapse and the need for economic and social legislation. In the 4805 elections, a battle for control of the territories would emerge between the ISP and the newly emerged Joffreyists. While the ISP could be seen as having the biggest advantage, the Joffreyists hold numerous weapons up their sleeves.

Most critically, the Joffreyists could use their established party networks in the territories to gain votes and consolidate an independent party assembly which would no longer preside in the obsolete assembly of the RLU, now hardly even the figurehead it originally represented. The ISP, on the other hand, possessed no such advantage. In the WSUT system, party networks hold control over the fate of a party in elections. Networks are often ingrained in the worker unions, giving a regionally established party to disproportionately control votes as unestablished parties struggle to reach potential defectors of the established party. And there is no exception to this truth in the territories. The expansion of the territories under the guidance of a RLU dominated political and economic system gave its members many advantages.

Furthermore, the Joffreyists don’t just have the ability to use the system, but are actually an increasingly popular party. The Joffreyists still adhere to principles of the National Worker’s Alliance, a party that existed in the Worker’s Republic of Terra before the social revolution. Revival of public sentiments towards the utopian ideals of the party was quite clear in the territories. This revival is likely thanks to the common constructive experience of the settlers of these territories. An experience of building up more perfect societies was interrupted when the party began to fragment on matters of economic and social policy. Therefore, to local citizens of all ages and backgrounds, the Joffreyists seemed to be the best alternative to the failing RLU. Most importantly to the new supporters was the clear vision of the party, one of action and decisiveness.

Lastly, the Joffreyists threaten the ISP’s gambit for control of these territories thanks to the Joffreyist’s challenging of the centrists. The centrists hold many of their tentative members in a Joffreyist sect that decided to remain in the center. These loyalists likely attribute this loyalty to a fear of joining a fate similar to the RLU members waiting for ISP membership, a membership that is slow to come and not even guaranteed. Secondly, some of those within the centrist camp with Joffreyist alignment stayed in the old camp simply because they still believed in the ideological direction of the old RLU.

The Joffreyist faction challenges this sect critical to the centrists. The former, the fearful, will likely defect. This is simply because the Joffreyists are increasingly getting stronger with their strong roots increasingly evident. With a growing strength, these loyalists may jump the ship when they realize the centrists have no future. The latter, the zealots, will be harder to take over as the Joffreyist faction hasn’t focused much attention to foreign policy, an area important to the zealot sect. Yet, the Joffreyist faction can easily gain more seats simply by filling out their party platform to include a revolutionary and internationally involved stance.

These three advantages: systemic strength, popularity, and extra-party influence, give the Joffreyist faction a position significantly stronger than that of the ISP in the coming elections. The ISP, while politically nearly invincible in West Africa, holds little to no power in the territories. In fact, the sharp divide between the two parties and their respective areas of control has actually affected the structure of the government, especially in regards to the government divisions responsible for settlement and funding of the territories.


Without further ado, the results:

4805 Election Results:

Note-
Seats in West Africa - 311
Seats in Madagascar - 168
Seats in France - 121

Supreme Council:
International Solidarity Party - 253
RLU Joffreyists - 220
People’s Isolation Party - 54
RLU Libertarian Socialists - 20
Syndicalist Unionist Front - 17
Social Reform Party - 14
RLU Anarchists - 11
RLU Centrists - 11

Supreme Council Chairman Elections:
Masego Eshe(ISP candidate) - 285 votes
Claudette Sacha(RLU candidate*) - 279 votes
Abstain - 36 votes

* Considering the RLU hasn’t been fully dissolve as of yet, per procedure the whole RLU party and all of its factions voted on it’s chairman candidate. Needless to say, the Joffreyists successfully forced their candidate through with ease.

Secretary General:
Blandine Scholastique(ISP)


As the results of the 4805 elections show, the dominance of the ISP is clearly not permanent. While, the ISP was able to maintain the control of Eshe and Scholastique as Chairman and Secretary General, respectively, their stranglehold on these positions was greatly shaken. With a weak plurality in the Supreme Council, the ISP is going to have to either work with other parties in a coalition or tread lightly.

However, those of more aggressive stances in the party look at the election results as signaling that the party should absolutely not tread lightly but do the opposite: cause waves, not ripples. These same politicians are beginning to follow an anxious public opinion in West Africa and even in the provinces that the political order is straying away from a centralized Conakry order. They call for the disbandment of the Settlement and Development Directorates of Madagascar and France. The combined SDD has ballooned in recent decades to a place of substantial power and influence, absorbing independent government functions long held in Conakry. This is not to mention the immense and concerning presence of party officials at both the top and lower echelons of the SDD.

Yet, disbandment of the SDD is easier said than done. With immense political clout thanks to its partisan nature, the SDD has been able to deflect much of the attacks from its opponents. The SDD has also pointed to its dominating role in the management of the new territories, stating that in its absence order would be shook as an effort to fill its place is made.

Despite this, grassroots movements in West Africa and even the territories are pushing for disbandment of the SDD, stating its less democratic structure compared to the structure of governance and the economy in West Africa itself. The next ten years may signal a decline of the SDD and eventual removal. Considering that much of the power of the Joffreyists comes from the SDD as well as a powerful popular mandate of the people in the territories, it’s interesting to see how they will respond to the slow demise of this institution. It may also be important to survey the ISP and monitor the party for weaknesses, which may come from division on the matter of SDD removal. Either way, the next ten years will be an entertaining period for the WSUT.


International Solidarity Party

The Economy
- Economic Ideological Alignment: Syndicalist
- Taxation Policy: Worker union dues along with a national tax
- Government Investment Policy: Heavy investment
- Transportation Policy: Unionized

Foreign Affairs
- Defence Spending Policy: Low Spending
- Foreign Relations Policy: Participatory but non-interventionist; IWA conformist
- Foreign Aid Policy: Heavy aid for leftist countries and allies
- Immigration Policy: Open immigration with allies

Social Policy
- Healthcare Policy: Unionized and highly funded
- Education Policy: Unionized, non-aligned, and highly funded
- Welfare Policy: Unemployed labor services
- Policing Policy: Moderate policing; non-politicized
- Freedom of Speech and Ideology: Complete freedom except for hateful speech and ideology
-Party Structure: Open membership with member fees to fund election efforts and daily function.

Industrial Policy
- Trade Policy: Open trade with allies; Centrally managed trade
- Research Policy: Heavy government funding and incentivizing
- Energy Policy: Unionized; nuclear fusion reliant
- Environmental Policy: Heavily conservative; maintenance of large unused natural lands


People’s Isolation Party

The Economy
- Economic Ideological Alignment: Syndicalist
- Taxation Policy: Worker union dues along with a national tax
- Government Investment Policy: Heavy investment
- Transportation Policy: Unionized

Foreign Affairs
- Defence Spending Policy: High Spending
- Foreign Relations Policy: Non-participatory; divided on IWA - skeptics vs conformists
- Foreign Aid Policy: Very little
- Immigration Policy: Closed

Social Policy
- Healthcare Policy: Unionized and highly funded
- Education Policy: Unionized, non-aligned, and highly funded
- Welfare Policy: Unemployed labor services
- Policing Policy: Heavy policing; crackdown on right wing movements
- Freedom of Speech and Ideology: Restriction or illegalization of right wing movements
-Party Structure: Open membership with member fees to fund election efforts and daily function.

Industrial Policy
- Trade Policy: Closed
- Research Policy: Low funding
- Energy Policy: Unionized; nuclear fusion reliant
- Environmental Policy: Heavily conservative; maintenance of large unused natural lands


Social Reform Party

The Economy
- Economic Ideological Alignment: Divided - market liberal policies vs conservative economics
- Taxation Policy: Low taxation; no union fees
- Government Investment Policy: No investment
- Transportation Policy: Divided - unionized vs privatized vs mixed

Foreign Affairs
- Defence Spending Policy: Moderate spending
- Foreign Relations Policy: Non-participatory
- Foreign Aid Policy: Divided - very little vs high spending for liberal democracies
- Immigration Policy: Divided - qualified vs closed

Social Policy
- Healthcare Policy: Divided - privatized vs mixed
- Education Policy: Independent unions
- Welfare Policy: Divided - no clear opinion
- Policing Policy: Low policing; non-politicized
- Freedom of Speech and Ideology: Complete freedom
-Party Structure: Selective membership with member fees to fund election efforts and daily function.

Industrial Policy
- Trade Policy: Open trade
- Research Policy: Heavy funding
- Energy Policy: Divided - nationalized vs unionized vs privatized; nuclear fusion reliant
- Environmental Policy: Heavily conservative; maintenance of large unused natural lands


Syndicalist Unionist Front

The Economy
- Economic Ideological Alignment: Authoritarian Communists
- Taxation Policy: Unclear
- Government Investment Policy: Unclear
- Transportation Policy: Unclear

Foreign Affairs
- Defence Spending Policy: Heavy spending
- Foreign Relations Policy: Interventionist; revolutionary
- Foreign Aid Policy: Heavy spending
- Immigration Policy: Closed

Social Policy
- Healthcare Policy: Unionized and highly funded
- Education Policy: Unionized, socialist doctrine, and highly funded
- Welfare Policy: Unemployed labor services and/or military service
- Policing Policy: Heavy policing; crackdown on non-party adherents
- Freedom of Speech and Ideology: Heavily restricted and controlled; Communist control
-Party Structure: Closed membership; structure unclear; international reach

Industrial Policy
- Trade Policy: Closed
- Research Policy: Unclear
- Energy Policy: Unclear
- Environmental Policy: Unclear
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Re: Worker's Syndicalist Union of Terra

Postby MinnesotanKaiser » 10 Jun 2019, 20:06

A new and revealing report was recently released by the Brazilian Government. The report indicates that there has been a significant spike in the Janisist faith in Brazil. In the last twenty-five years, the nationwide percentage of followers rose from 4% to 11%. The previous twenty-five years saw a paltry increase of 3% to 4%. This substantial increase in followers in Brazil is likely thanks to loosening of restrictions on the religion. In the year 4814, the government officially changed the government stance on the Janisist church from private group to theistic religion treatment. The change in treatment of the religion meant that the church would no longer have to pay major taxes on its income. Furthermore, expansion of the religion to uncovered areas of the country would be effectually unrestricted as local governments would no longer be allowed to block building of churches in their communities.
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Re: Worker's Syndicalist Union of Terra

Postby MinnesotanKaiser » 23 Jun 2019, 21:27

4815 Elections
12th Session


The departure of the 11th Session of the Supreme Council and the end of the second term of Chairman Masego Eshe and the Secretary General Blandine Scholastique marked the end of a period of extensive administrative battles and hard won reforms. At the onset of the 11th Session it seemed that the Joffreyist faction would upset the balance of national politics by using the power structures of the territories to slingshot itself to national power. However, holding onto power would prove harder than expected for the Joffreyists.

Within the first three years pressure mounted on the Joffreyist faction in the form of heavy Supreme Council opposition. The Joffreyists, now united under a new independent party: the United Revolutionary Reform Front, ran up against a coalition of the International Solidarity Party, People’s Isolation Party, the Libertarian Socialists of the RLU (now the Free People’s Socialist Movement), and the Centrists of the RLU (now the International Revolutionary Alliance). Together this coalition started the 11th Session off with a collective seat number of 338. While the coalition was practically ineffectual in regards to the passage of legislation in the areas of economic and social policy, all parties in the coalition were united under the conviction that the URRF needed to be countered and the system that brought it to power abolished.

Likely thanks to the alarming spread of the Joffreyist wave in the territories, the coalition started off with little issue. After brief inter-party meetings on the parameters of the coalition, it was decided that the coalition would stay united on very few issues, mainly those regarding administrative reform and realignment of political structures in the territories. Of these issues, abolishment of the Settlement and Development Directorates and the elevation of the territories to equally treated region status were the most important.

The coalition against the SDDs and the political inequalities in the territories were also able to recruit the energies of the masses. The election of the 11th session, electrified both Joffreyists and their opponents alike. The Joffreyists, while not ecstatic about the political system issues, were encouraged by the major successes of the new party supporting their beliefs. Meanwhile, those on the other side of the affair saw the rise of the Joffreyists not so much as an ideological threat but as a threat to the stability of the syndicalist union. The methods used in the rise of the Joffreyists were seen as potentially leading to a decentralization of authority and, at worst, the beginning of a secessionist movement in the territories.

Furthermore, issues began to emerge in the United Revolutionary Reform Front. As public and political outcry emerged regarding their emergence to prominence, voices within the party called for the party to accept the truth: the political system in the territories was biased towards local parties capable of capturing government functions. While this voice was successfully ignored in the first year of the 11th session, it was unavoidable after this point as it became clear that opposition to the party was only going to solidify.

After pathetic attempts by URRF party leadership to hold onto the dying SDDs and the parallel structures in the territories, the coalition came out on top. In 4811, the French SDD was abolished and was soon followed by the abolishment of the Madagascar SDD in 4812. In the same year the French SDD was abolished, the URRF party body voted for a new party leadership. In a very civil coup, the reformist sect of the URRF ousted its increasingly unpopular leadership in order to guarantee the party’s continued survival and strength in the system. While the new leadership wasn’t as passionate about reform as the opposing coalition, it’s change in stance led to a quickening of the pace of reform.

In fact, the switch of the URRF leadership not only gave the party some more popularity and served to repair its public image in West Africa, but it also gave the URRF a voice on the winning side of political reform. With the party’s foot in the door, it organized a favorable exit from the political system it was born on. This allowed the party to hold considerable support and influence in the territories rather than continuing on a path of potential destruction.

So, by the time the 4815 elections began, the political atmosphere took a full ninety degree turn. In 4814, the government changed its political language on the territories. Rather than being called territories, they would be given the same status as West Africa as fully fledged politically managed regions. Distinction would now be made on their geographical position. No longer the French territories with special status but the French region of the WSUT. The same is the case of Madagascar.

While a seemingly unimportant distinction, it finished off the reforms of the 11th session with a formal air. During the 11th session, the SDDs were abolished, party influence in higher government and economic functions removed, the atmosphere of regional division replaced by unity, and the URRF and its Joffreyist ideology accepted as a legitimate political force in the Syndicalist Union. These major changes led to the following results in the 4815 election results and the introduction of the 12th Session.


4815 Election Results:

Note-
Seats in West Africa - 299
Seats in Madagascar - 172
Seats in France - 129

Supreme Council:
International Solidarity Party - 225
United Revolutionary Reform Front - 207
People’s Isolation Party - 56
Free People’s Socialist Movement - 41
International Revolutionary Alliance - 27
Syndicalist Unionist Front - 16
Social Reform Party - 16
Revolutionary Social Independence Party - 12

Supreme Council Chairman Elections:
Janine Akpofure(ISP candidate) - 270 votes
Claudette Sacha(URRF candidate) - 256 votes
Abstain - 74 votes

Secretary General:
Dayo Gbemisola(ISP)


Here's a reference for the new parties and their stances.


United Revolutionary Reform Front

The Economy
- Economic Ideological Alignment: Joffreyist Semi-Planned Economy
- Taxation Policy: Worker union dues along with a national taxation
- Government Investment Policy: Heavy investment
- Transportation Policy: Unionized

Foreign Affairs
- Defence Spending Policy: Moderate Spending
- Foreign Relations Policy: Participatory and non-interventionist
- Foreign Aid Policy: Heavy spending for socialist countries and allies
- Immigration Policy: Qualified immigration

Social Policy
- Healthcare Policy: Unionized and highly funded
- Education Policy: Unionized, non-aligned, and highly funded
- Welfare Policy: Unemployed labor services
- Policing Policy: Moderate policing; non-politicized
- Freedom of Speech and Ideology: Complete freedom except for hateful speech and ideology
-Party Structure: Open membership with member fees to fund election efforts and daily function.

Industrial Policy
- Trade Policy: Open trade with allies; Centrally managed trade
- Research Policy: Heavy government funding and incentivizing
- Energy Policy: Unionized; nuclear fusion reliant
- Environmental Policy: Heavily conservative; maintenance of large unused natural lands


Free People’s Socialist Movement

The Economy
- Economic Ideological Alignment: Decentralized socialism
- Taxation Policy: Decided on a regional basis; graduated income tax
- Government Investment Policy: No investment from central authority
- Transportation Policy: Unionized

Foreign Affairs
- Defence Spending Policy: Low spending
- Foreign Relations Policy: Participatory and non-interventionist
- Foreign Aid Policy: Low spending
- Immigration Policy: Qualified immigration

Social Policy
- Healthcare Policy: Unionized; highly funded
- Education Policy: Unionized; non-aligned; highly funded
- Welfare Policy: Decided by local authorities
- Policing Policy: Low policing
- Freedom of Speech and Ideology: Complete freedom except for hateful speech and ideology
-Party Structure: Open membership with member fees to fund election efforts and daily function.

Industrial Policy
- Trade Policy: Restricted trade
- Research Policy: Low spending
- Energy Policy: Unionized; nuclear fusion reliant
- Environmental Policy: Heavily conservative; maintenance of large unused natural lands


International Revolutionary Alliance

The Economy
- Economic Ideological Alignment: No party stance
- Taxation Policy: No party stance
- Government Investment Policy: No party stance
- Transportation Policy: No party stance

Foreign Affairs
- Defence Spending Policy: Heavy spending
- Foreign Relations Policy: Participatory and interventionist
- Foreign Aid Policy: Heavy spending
- Immigration Policy: Open immigration

Social Policy
- Healthcare Policy: No party stance
- Education Policy: No party stance
- Welfare Policy: No party stance
- Policing Policy: No party stance
- Freedom of Speech and Ideology: No party stance
-Party Structure: Open membership with member fees to fund election efforts and daily function.

Industrial Policy
- Trade Policy: No party stance
- Research Policy: No party stance
- Energy Policy: No party stance
- Environmental Policy: No party stance


Revolutionary Social Independence Party

The Economy
- Economic Ideological Alignment: Anarchism
- Taxation Policy: No taxation
- Government Investment Policy: No government investment
- Transportation Policy: Self-reliance

Foreign Affairs
- Defence Spending Policy: No spending; no military
- Foreign Relations Policy: Isolationist
- Foreign Aid Policy: No spending
- Immigration Policy: No immigration

Social Policy
- Healthcare Policy: Self-reliance
- Education Policy: Self-reliance
- Welfare Policy: No welfare
- Policing Policy: No policing
- Freedom of Speech and Ideology: No restrictions
-Party Structure: Open membership with member fees to fund election efforts and daily function.

Industrial Policy
- Trade Policy: No trade restrictions
- Research Policy: No research spending
- Energy Policy: Self-reliance
- Environmental Policy: No party stance
"Living by faith includes the call to something greater than cowardly self preservation."
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Re: Worker's Syndicalist Union of Terra

Postby MinnesotanKaiser » 07 Mar 2020, 20:40

For the past several hundred years of the existence of the socialist Conakrian people, the fire of revolution has long been held. Yet, just as a rebellious child submitting to adulthood and pacification of their fiery passions, the torch is beginning to wane. During the early years of the 50th century, fault lines began to emerge in the revolutionary and syndicalist state of the Worker’s Syndicalist Union of Terra(WSUT). The newly acquired lands of Old France and Mattibean Madagascar were failing to continue contributing to the unparalleled growth of the WSUT economy. With peaking economic power but a continually rising population, WSUT seemed likely to find itself on a crash course to economic fallout. The syndicalist structure depended on having an infinite source of potential to tap. Stagnation simply wasn’t an option.

Yet, in the painful world of economics infinite growth is impossible and resources are finite. The question is what happens when economic actors meet this dead end. With economists and political theorists proclaiming impending disaster, the International Solidarity Party(ISP) decided to put a bandaid on the open wound of the WSUT economy. With the ISP order being challenged by populists and radical syndicalist elements in the Supreme Council, the ISP signed a lease on life through the creation of the Foreign Investment Board(FIB) and the International Worker’s Investment Committee(IWIC).

Both of these groups would be in charge of tapping economic opportunities abroad through existing alliances and IWA members. Working hand in hand, the two bodies would sign deals with foreign partners while having the whole force of the WSUT economy behind them. How the two would do so looked very good on paper. The FIB would be an 11 member group of Supreme Councilmen. The head of the board would be directly appointed by the Supreme Council Chairman and the remaining 10 would be appointed by the combined Supreme Council. Meanwhile, the IWIC would be headed by the Supreme Council Chairman and be composed of United Worker Authority Directors of Worker Relations, Banks, Employment and Labor Management, Resource Production, Food Production, Extraplanetary Affairs, Economic Guidance, and the People’s Land and Capital. The IWIC and its eight members who all represented some of the key industries of the WSUT would be in charge of formulating deals with the Supreme Council Chairman to then be presented to the FIB for a vote of approval. The ten members of the FIB(excluding the head) would vote and if a tie were to occur, the head of the FIB would decide the vote. Essentially, the syndicalist bodies most likely to be involved in foreign trade deals would be given the power to make said deals. The FIB simply signed off and had no power over deal making. The Supreme Council Chairman, however, held the most power by deciding what proposals would go to vote and could make changes to deals with IWIC approval.

Yet, according to the initiative’s opponents, the creation of the FIB and IWIC would lead to one of two things: absolutely nothing or the emergence of state capitalism and corruption. Despite these arguments, the State Trade Initiative for the Workers’ International Expansion(STIWIE), otherwise known as the Stewie Act, was passed with the brunt force of the ISP’s majority in the Supreme Council. To the relief of the ISP, the Stewie Act led to immense success during the early years of its existence. Deals were signed with ease thanks to an ecstatic IWIC which comprised members who yearned the most for growth and the procurement of a large pot of money and capital to distribute. Interestingly, the source of the abundant resources came from the United Worker Authority Directors of Banks and of the People’s Land and Capital, both members of the IWIC. Thanks to a broad consensus on the need for growth and enough resources to go around, the Supreme Council Chairman had to do nothing more than hand the resolution over to the FIB for quick and eager approval and then reap the benefit of skyrocketing popularity. It couldn’t have been at a better time as well. With an election coming up for the Supreme Council, the success of the Stewie Act led to a reversal of the tide of populism and radical syndicalism that threatened to topple the ISP stranglehold over power in the Council. Likely the nail in the coffin for the opposition was the deal made for the purchase of 20% of Universal Exports, a PCG owned commodities trading company. The deal was an absolutely astounding success. Over the course of the next decade, the deal would reap over 20bn cc in pocket money for social programs in the WSUT, lead to the doubling of the initial investment value of 1.8trn cc, and, most importantly, create over 200,000 jobs for WSUT workers and lead to a noticeable surge in economic growth. Needless to say, everybody saw the Stewie Act as a major success. Except, not everyone actually agreed.

While the country was gripped by the euphoria of the unwavering growth, economists and socialist ideologues warned of the dangers of what course the government was on. In the case of the socialist die hards, the WSUT was engaging in a form of economic colonialism through state-led capitalism. With nothing but a faint sigh, socialism would die under the very noses of the Conakrian people and the emergence of a corrupt elite would blind the people of their true interests. Along with these socialists were a growing cult of the “True Seed,” a largely peaceful group following the teachings of LORAX wannabes. Yet, most importantly at this time, the major economists of the time were slowly becoming disillusioned with the idea of eternal economic growth. The Stewie Boom, as it was beginning to be called, seemed like it would soon be the Stewie Bubble, and every bubble pops.

Despite the warnings, the increasingly powerful and popular ISP led economic growth efforts proceeded. Yet, problems would soon emerge. Just as before the Stewie Act, a highly complex bureaucratic economy began to cause issues, most notably in the IWIC. Unlike before the Stewie Act, the issue wasn’t drying up opportunities, but rather a lack of resources to pursue all of them at once. A once cooperative and happy IWIC began to struggle with one another over who would receive the smaller pot of resources. This struggle would soon play out in the National Board of Directors as well which was in charge of the general domestic economy. Rather than watch the gains of the Stewie Act stall over bureaucratic flak, the ISP led government passed an amendment to the Stewie Act with its majority in the Supreme Council. The amendment, as previously warned, veered towards the state capitalist route with centralization joining the economic package. The IWIC would be stripped of much of its power over the deal making process. With the amendment, the IWIC would only be able to block changes to deals by the Supreme Council Chairman through unanimous vote, which was all but impossible as long as one IWIC member gained from it. Furthermore, the FIB could also make deals and IWIC councils could only be started with Chairman approval and the Chairman could also decide when to adjourn. Essentially, the IWIC became nothing more than an advisory board while the FIB was given power over deal making. Yet, the amendment was still highly popular. The Supreme Council, and more importantly the ISP and its large constituent base, voted in favor of the amendment with remarkable ease.

Once again, though, economists and political opponents protested. Economists began flooding the academic scene with publications on the impending doom of the “Stewie Bubble.” The centralizing of the dealmaking system gave immense power to the Chairman and the ISP and continued the rapid pace of growth achieved by the Stewie Act. The establishment heard the economists’ complaints and kept moving along. Some political theorists went onto theorize that some in the ISP may have even acknowledged that they were on the incorrect course yet knew that to oppose the growth would lead to them losing office and being blacklisted by the party from future political ambitions. In the words of one economist, “the economy is being driven towards a cliff and the drivers think they can make the jump. They’re sending us to our doom.”
"Living by faith includes the call to something greater than cowardly self preservation."
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Re: Worker's Syndicalist Union of Terra

Postby MinnesotanKaiser » 23 Mar 2020, 19:46

Hey everyone! I'm getting bored with my country's government style. While I still love it, I could use a change of scenery. Therefore, I'm asking all those interested to vote on the ten following faction options I have written up. Read through them and take note of what they're goals are. Once you've done that, rank them in order of which ones you like the most with 1 being your favorite and 10 being your least favorite. You can either list your rankings on a follow up post or dm me on PlayDiplomacy or the discord group. If possible I would like the orders formatted like the following example ballot:
Novus Imperium - 1
Urban Abolitionist Pact - 2
The Syndicate - 3
The Triumvirate - 4
The True Orthodoxy - 5
Janisi - 6
Solidarity Government - 7
Sons of Lorax - 8
Hostile Worker's Party - 9
Joffreyists - 10


Take note that while the True Seedsmen are currently one faction, we will be voting on the separate three sects within the group. By the end of the civil war that I will be RP'ing, one sect will remain or dominate over the rest if the most voted for faction is one of those three. Furthermore, this a purely rp event and I would highly appreciate that no one intervenes unless its agreed upon. Thanks in advance. I'll keep the vote open for the rest of the week if need be and will gladly answer any questions. I wrote this pretty fast and wouldn't be surprised if I forgot something. Enjoy!


Novus Imperium- Radical Mahaut Family-led faction from the Atlantic Imperium. One of the very few remaining pure blood West African political families that fled during the West African Revolution that brought about the downfall of the West African Imperium. Once one of the pillars of the West African Imperial legacy, the family is now nothing more than a forgotten relic of a bygone era. Yet, for the Mahaut Family, the forgotten fame has only allowed them the build up their new found power in the unseen shadows.
Goal: Restore the old Imperium in West Africa and establish dominance in both South America and WSUT.

True Seedsmen- Environmental extremists with a loose leadership and divisive sub-factions with dubious tactics. While the main teachings center around the peaceful religious-environmentalist ideals of the groups prophet Ade Katleho, some factions have twisted the teachings to serve their own radical environmentalist ideologies. The True Seedsmen tend to broken into three sects: The True Orthodoxy, The Sons of Lorax, and the Urban Abolitionist Pact. The True Orthodoxy follow the teachings of Ade Katleho closely. In fact, Katleho himself leads some of his most devout followers in a small town in Northern Madagascar. The Sons of Lorax, on the other hand, is largely made up die-hard LORAX supporters. Many of the members of this much more secular sect have been directly mentored by some of the academics that collaborated and worked on behalf of LORAX interests. Finally, the Urban Abolitionist Pact follows a socialist environmentalist policy reminiscent of Pol Pot's policy of moving city dwellers to rural communes. By far the most radical, the Pact has often stated that the burgeoning population of WSUT needs to be thinned.
Goal of the True Orthodoxy: Create a theocracy based upon the preservation and regeneration of the environment. Humans will become the caretakers of Earth and its precious life.
Goal of the Sons of Lorax: Create the first LORAX puppet state and bring about an environmental revolution. Blood will be shed.
Goal of the Urban Abolitionist Pact: Destruction of the modern city and drastic depopulation of the Conakrian nation. Devotion to environmental preservation.

Joffreyists- Utopian socialists with a flare for perfecting everything human and imperfect. The Joffreyist ideology is based off the policies passed by long gone Secretary General Eva Joffrey who led the WRT for over two decades and finished the reform period of the WRT about two centuries ago.
Goal: Create a socialist utopia based on efficient, well organized cities and immense state planning.

Hostile Worker’s Party- A fascist group with most of its power base centered in the United Worker’s Space Authority. They are fed up with the elitist government and their disregard for the proper funding of their operations. The Hostile Worker's Party is highly organized for being a worker led group. Once a bastion of socialist solidarity, they have turned to right wing ideas of centralization and capitalist expansion.Their strong presence in the United Worker's Space Authority reflects very little on a bias towards space policy, for your information.
Goal: Create a fascist state.

The Triumvirate- Combination of a power arrangement between the Red Legion/Syndicalist Unionist Front, crime families and Imperial families from the Atlantic Imperium. Essentially a crime organization with very questionable intentions and ideology. They have little connections with the Mahaut Family. It's suspected that this faction may rather hide in the shadows pulling the strings rather than show themselves.
Goal: Create a powerful crime syndicate

Solidarity Government- The network of control of the International Solidarity Party as well as its affiliate parties in control in the Brazilian Socialist Union. With a crumbling sense of authority and popularity, the Solidarity Government simply needs to hold onto its power and quell the rival factions that have been mentioned above. While they may be labelled as the status quo faction, it is highly unlikely status quo can be maintained while a slide to paranoid one party leadership is far more likely.
Goal: Stay in power and stabilize WSUT and prevent rebellious factions from spreading to other countries in the WSUT sphere of influence.

The Syndicate- The Syndicate is a radical group that gains inspiration from the Solidarity Government's Stewie Act era policies and the ideals of the PCG. The Syndicate is highly secretive but the little insights garnered into the group show that they run themselves like an actual corporate business. Many in the know suspect that The Syndicate supports the creation of a corporate republic.
Goal: Create a corporate republic

Janisi- With Janisism now one of the leading religions of the WSUT and Brazil, many of its followers have now looked to their religious leaders to create a Janisist theocratic republic. The leaders of this theocratic movement have tended to be highly supportive of union or a close alliance with the Baunairians, citing their religious importance as the first Janisist led nation.
Goal: Create a Janisist theocratic republic
"Living by faith includes the call to something greater than cowardly self preservation."
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